Egypt has been under some form of military control since the authoritarian regime of Hosni Mubarak fell in 2011. The military has since taken varied and increasingly powerful roles in the country’s functioning, especially in its economy. It has grown into one of the most important players in the Egyptian polity. Ten years since the Arab Spring that shook the Middle East and Northern Africa, here’s a look back at the first countries to be inspired by Tunisia and demand change within its own borders along with the military that shapes its society.
Protests of January 25
Just days after a popular uprising in Tunisia that toppled Ben Ali’s 20+ years rule, Egyptians crowded the streets of Cairo, into Tahrir Square on January 25th 2011. The day is called the Day of Rage and the square now known as Martyr’s Square. Thousands marched on the streets, shouting slogans against the government’s corruption, political repression and poverty. The protests were organised largely on social media, bypassing the opposition parties and spread throughout the country in other cities like Suez and Alexandria.
Three days later, Mubarak appeared on national television announcing that he will not step down and acknowledged the demands of the protestors. He had asked his entire cabinet to resign, a move to supposedly appease the protestors but was seen largely as a desperate attempt to stay in power. As the crisis progressed, Mubarak took steps to reinforce his ties with Egypt’s senior military leadership.
Egypt’s army, Supreme Council of the Armed Forces or SCAF, declared on January 31st its decision to not use force on the protestors as the police did, stating that the military duty is to protect the Egyptian people and the constitutional legitimacy, not the president himself. They also announced that they are in permanent session to monitor the situation indicating their permanent support for the revolution. The SCAF responded to the people’s demands in arresting former regime officials and bringing them to trial.
Ousting of Morsi
The SCAF took power until the presidential elections in May 2012 which brought the Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi into power. Although he campaigned on equal rights for all, his short lived rule (one year) was heavily Islamist and authoritarian. In July 2013, Morsi was overthrown by a coup d’état led by the leader of the Egyptian Armed Forces, General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi following massive protests against his rule.
Sisi has since been in power, following an election in May 2014, which he supposedly won by 93% majority with only one opponent.
Sisi’s rule is often considered worse than Mubarak, in terms of its deterrence to establishing true democracy in the country. His regime has seen tens of thousands of Islamists and secular revolutionaries in prison, exiled or dead. His crackdown on dissent and media have created a huge unrest and loss of faith in his government. Media who speak out against the regime are isolated and harassed, causing fear in the youth which form a large chunk of Egyptian population.
Challenges faced by the EAF
Egypt now remains under Sisi’s military rule, claimed to be democratic. There are three big challenges faced by the government while forming a stable political situation and ensuring smooth administration:-
Challenges inherited from the previous regime regarding poverty, unemployment and other social problems like broken justice systems.
Problems associated with emerging problems such as violence, bullying problems, and factional demands. Social problems created confusion in the people’s life, and generated obstacles in managing the society by the SCAF and the interim government.
Security issues at the local level: Following the revolution and the way police cracked down on the protestors, local police stations are largely dismantled by the regional populace.
This lead to a theft of police weaponry, rise in local crime rates and vandalism of property.
The line is not clear-cut between the initial phase of incorporation into Mubarak’s crony system, through the 1990s, and the second phase that coincided with intensifying neoliberal economic and social policies and deepening privatization from 2000 onward. The line is also blurred between the more markedly entrepreneurial wing of the officers’ republic and the bulk of the senior officer corps. But for the entire officers’ republic, the significant rise in disposable incomes has constituted the largest single benefit, albeit disproportionately allocated.
Actions taken by the EAF leadership to shape the post-SCAF political system also helped the military maintain and expand its institutional control over critical economic resources, thereby suppressing any voice of difference. Military leaders also try to steer high-level economic policy in a direction that would selectively benefit their own operations, and they engaged in deft political maneuvering meant to marginalize or co-opt many of the power centers from the previous regime, further weakening the system and strengthening the military collectively.
A country that has seen military rule over and over again hasn't been able to recover fully. It seems as though old wounds are being opened repeatedly and salt is rub onto them with stricter and worse forms of oppression. The military rule in Egypt is sketchy in its working, and it is leaving deep roots in the institutions they head and manage - not just in its working, but also in the monetary aspect. Their records have been skewed and tweaked to make it seem like there exists a system of transparency, but the truth is that the money is funneled into projects the people know nothing about and into pockets of the ruling elite. Dissent is largely suppressed and fear still lingers among the people, even though protests seem to take place.
10 Years after the Arab Spring, some still wonder whether it has led to any good or if it has worsened the conditions in Egypt. Oppression and corruption isn't new to them, but it is worse now. At best, the West seems to have turned a blind eye to the situation here. But at worst and truest reality, they are complacent and privy to this brutal regime as well.
Although in the end, perhaps, one thing remains clear, when the fear barrier is broken and people unite and take to the streets, hope remains a crucial guiding force.
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